| Defenders of the Faith
By SLAVOJ ZIZEK
London
FOR centuries, we have been told
that without religion we are no more than egotistic animals fighting for
our share, our only morality that of a pack of wolves; only religion, it
is said, can elevate us to a higher spiritual
level. Today, when religion
is emerging as the wellspring of murderous
violence around the world, assurances
that Christian or Muslim or Hindu
fundamentalists are only abusing
and perverting the noble spiritual messages
of their creeds ring increasingly
hollow. What about restoring
the dignity
of atheism, one of Europe's greatest
legacies and perhaps our only chance
for peace?
More than a century ago, in "The
Brothers Karamazov" and other works,
Dostoyevsky warned against the dangers
of godless moral nihilism, arguing in essence
that if God doesn't exist, then everything is permitted. The French
philosopher André Glucksmann even
applied Dostoyevsky's critique of godless nihilism
to 9/11, as the title of his book, "Dostoyevsky in Manhattan,"
suggests.
This argument
couldn't have been more wrong: the lesson of today's terrorism is that
if God exists, then everything, including blowing up thousands of innocent
bystanders, is permitted - at least to those who claim to act directly
on behalf of God, since, clearly, a direct link to God justifies the violation
of any merely human constraints and considerations. In
short, fundamentalists have become no different than the "godless" Stalinist
Communists, to whom everything was
permitted since they perceived themselves
as direct instruments of their divinity,
the Historical Necessity of
Progress Toward Communism.
During the Seventh Crusade, led
by St. Louis, Yves le Breton reported how he once
encountered an old woman who wandered down the street with a dish full
of fire in her right hand and a bowl
full of water in her left hand. Asked why
she carried the two bowls, she answered that with the fire she would
burn up Paradise until nothing remained
of it, and with the water she would put
out the fires of Hell until nothing remained of them: "Because I want
no one to do good in
order to receive the reward of Paradise, or from fear of
Hell; but solely out of love for
God." Today, this properly Christian
ethical stance survives
mostly in atheism.
Fundamentalists
do what they perceive as good deeds in order to fulfill
God's will
and to earn salvation; atheists do them simply because it is the
right thing to do. Is this also
not our most elementary experience of
morality? When I do a good deed,
I do so not with an eye toward gaining
God's favor; I do it because if
I did not, I could not look at myself in the
mirror. A moral deed is by definition
its own reward. David Hume, a
believer, made this point in a very
poignant way, when he wrote that the
only way to show true respect for
God is to act morally while ignoring God's
existence.
Two
years ago, Europeans were debating whether the preamble of the European
Constitution should mention Christianity as a key component of the European
legacy. As usual, a compromise was worked out, a reference in general
terms
to the "religious inheritance" of Europe. But where was modern Europe's
most
precious legacy, that of atheism? What makes modern Europe unique is
that it
is the first and only civilization in which atheism is a fully legitimate
option, not an obstacle to any public post.
Atheism
is a European legacy worth fighting for, not least because it
creates a safe public space for believers. Consider the debate that
raged in
Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, my home country, as the constitutional
controversy simmered: should Muslims (mostly immigrant workers from
the old
Yugoslav republics) be allowed to build a mosque? While conservatives
opposed the mosque for cultural, political and even architectural reasons,
the liberal weekly journal Mladina was consistently outspoken in its
support
for the mosque, in keeping with its concern for the rights of those
from
other former Yugoslav republics.
Not surprisingly, given its liberal
attitudes, Mladina was also one of the
few Slovenian publications to reprint
the infamous caricatures of Muhammad.
And, conversely, those who displayed
the greatest "understanding" for the
violent Muslim protests those cartoons
caused were also the ones who
regularly expressed their concern
for the fate of Christianity in Europe.
These weird alliances confront Europe's
Muslims with a difficult choice: the only
political force that does not reduce them to second-class citizens and
allows them the space to express
their religious identity are the "godless"
atheist liberals, while those closest
to their religious social practice,
their Christian mirror-image, are
their greatest political enemies. The
paradox is that Muslims' only real
allies are not those who first published
the caricatures for shock value,
but those who, in support of the ideal of
freedom of expression, reprinted
them.
While a true atheist has no need
to boost his own stance by provoking
believers with blasphemy, he also
refuses to reduce the problem of the
Muhammad caricatures to one of respect
for other's beliefs. Respect for
other's beliefs as the highest value
can mean only one of two things: either
we treat the other in a patronizing
way and avoid hurting him in order not
to ruin his illusions, or we adopt
the relativist stance of multiple
"regimes of truth," disqualifying
as violent imposition any clear insistence
on truth.
What, however, about submitting Islam
- together with all other religions -
to a respectful, but for that reason
no less ruthless, critical analysis?
This, and only this, is the way
to show a true respect for Muslims: to treat
them as serious adults responsible
for their beliefs.
Slavoj Zizek, the international director
of the Birkbeck Institute for the
Humanities, is the author, most
recently, of "The Parallax View."
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